For those who are interested, here is the description by Hjalmar Schacht of how he brought an end to the Wiemar German inflation in the 1920's:



From Account Settled, Hjalmar Schacht 1949

. . . By the autumn of 1923 the unrestricted depreciation of the currency had reached such a pitch that it threatened to break up the whole structure of Germany's national life. Wage-earners' wives were in despair. Whenever they went out to buy food they were involved in a hopeless struggle against the depreciation of the mark. The wages of their menfolk ran through their fingers like water even when, as was finally the case, they were paid daily, In this extraordinarily difficult situation the authorities called upon me to put a stop to the depreciation of the mark and stabilize the currency. . . .

. . . Oddly enough, for the average citizen there is something very mysterious and incomprehensible about finance. The only thing about it which is quite clear to everyone is its importance. The obvious essential is that money should retain its purchasing power. Above all, it must allow people the chance to save, to put aside wealth for future use. It must therefore maintain its value in relation to all other commodities. The great the number of people who, in the course of historical development, are excluded from the possession of landed property, the more important it is that the value of money should remain stable, because only then can they store up the product of their labours and preserve the property they have acquired. Money, in short, must retain its value ; it must be sterling.

That money is sometimes cheap and sometimes dear ; that it is worth more in our youth than in later years ; that the relation between the value of money and the value of commodities changes constantly—these are problems which are difficult for the average man to understand, and he cannot protect himself without help against his ignorance. During the terrible period of inflation after the first world war the Reichsbank was overwhelmed with thousands of suggestions, plans and schemes for stabilizing the currency. . . . For some reason or other the arithmetical nature of finance seems to inspire the mathematically-minded, and their efforts always tend in the one direction, towards the creation of an automatically functioning solution operating according to fixed mathematical rules. But the currency problem is not a problem which can be solved according to fixed rules. If it were, then perhaps a capable professor of mathematics would be the best financier after all. Monetary policy is not an exact science but an art. As such it is a sphere which will always remain mysterious to the man who is not capable of mastering that art, while appearing simplicity itself to the an who is. The art of monetary policy consists in keeping the relationship between the value of money and the value of the other commodities as steady as possible. Part of this art consists in constantly observing and correctly judging not only the movements of money but also the production and consumption of other commodities. Therefore it is essential that the financier should have a wide knowledge of national and international economic affairs. This is all the more necessary because economic conditions, costs of production, etc., are constantly being changed by technical inventions ad new organizational measures.

The fact that I, of all people, who have always been regarded as a representative of the individualistic economic conception, should have been called in to assist a Social-Democratic Government, was entirely due to the broadmindedness and enlightenment of Fritz Ebert, who was at that time Reich's President. When I reminded him before my appointment that I was not a Socialist, he replied with a smile: "That's quite beside the point. The question is: do you think you can solve the problem?" He was right: that was all that mattered. I replied in the affirmative, and I am happy to say that under Ebert's ægis the Social Democratic Government of the day gave me a completely free hand to carry through my stabilization policy. In later years, unfortunately, it seriously interfered with my plans.

German social Democracy had enjoyed its heyday in the nineties . . . The much-praised talent of the Germans for organization, which was naturally shared by the Social Democratic Party, has one great disadvantage, a tendency towards excessive bureaucracy . .&nbsp. The original drive and vigour of German Social Democracy was weakened by this flaw.

But everything depends on initiative, on the ability to seize an opportunity, on vigorous action. All those currency projects which embody new ideas and suggestions for establishing automatically functioning principles are fruitless. It is not a question of the percentage of gold or bills behind the notes in circulation, or of note control, or the discount rate, but simply and solely a matter of the temperature and the pulse of economic life. In monetary policy, just as in medical therapy, correct diagnosis is the secret of successful treatment. All that is required after that is vigour and determination in carrying out the recovery plan.

In the inflation of 1923 there were three main measures which were decisive to the stabilization of the mark. They were the abolition of private paper currency ; the diminution of the volume of legal means of payment ; and the credit bar.

As the volume of bank-notes officially issued by the Reichsbank proved unable to keep pace with the rapid rate of currency depreciation, and a shortage of notes developed everywhere, both municipal administrations and large-scale industrial undertakings began to print their own paper money, which nominally had the same value as the notes officially issued by the Reichsbank. Naturally, this unofficial paper money depreciated at the same rate as the official notes printed by the Reichsbank, and the printing of such paper money thus proved a very profitable business, since when it was issued its value was considerably higher than when it was later redeemed. This unofficial paper money was, of course, not legal tender, but if economic life was not to break down altogether then the banks, including the Reichsbank itself, had to accept it in just the same way as they accepted the official notes. Some firms ruthlessly exploited the situation by paying in the biggest possible sums of the money they had themselves printed to one branch of the Reichsbank whilst drawing out an equivalent sum at a neighbouring branch in official bank-notes, which were, of course, the only legal tender and could therefore be used abroad, or, at least, could be used abroad more readily than the unofficially printed paper money. . . 

My first measure as Reich's Currency Controller was to issue instructions that no more of this emergency currency was to be accepted by the Reichsbank. This undermined the entire basis of the private issue of currency. Notes which the Reichsbank refused to accept were valueless. This first measure was quite sufficient to make me very unpopular both with the municipalities and with the large-scale industrial undertakings. For the latter the fact that the blow was delivered by a man whom they regarded as one of themselves, the Director of a big bank, added insult to injury. I was practically mobbed. They threatened me ; they pleaded with me ; they painted the probable consequences in the most violent colours. But I remained adamant. I was determined at all costs to put an end to the misery of the great masses of Germany's working people and to guarantee them a stable wage once more.

My second measure was directed against speculation in foreign exchange. On November 20th, 1923, the Reichsbank had let the exchange rate of the United States dollar climb to 4.2 billion marks with the firm intention of maintaining it at that level. However, private speculators continued to buy dollars at an even higher rate. The groups who indulged in this speculation did not believe that I would succeed in keeping the exchange rate at its official level, and so they merrily went on buying foreign exchange on a rising market, paying up to 12 billion dollars [marks ?] 'per Termin', which meant that at the end of the month the dollars had to be paid for with legal tender, that is to say, with Reichsbank notes. When settlement day came round at the end of the month the dollar purchasers needed marks from the Reichsbank to meet their commitments, but the Reichsbank refused to give them Reichsbank notes and handed out Rentenbank notes instead. This Rentenbank had been established as an auxiliary institution to assist in the stabilization of the mark, and the notes it issued did not have the character of official bank-notes. In short, they were not normal legal tender. But naturally, the foreign groups who had sold the dollars demanded payment in money which was legal tender, and the German dollar purchasers were now unable to comply. Nothing remained for them but to sell their stores of foreign currency to the Reichsbank which now secured dollars which had been bought speculatively for as much as 12 billion marks at the official rate of 4.2 billion marks. Speculators lost many millions on this unprofitable transaction. Naturally, my unpopularity was greatly increased, but the well-being of the great mass of the German people meant more to me than the troubles of individual speculators. The dollar rate of exchange, officially fixed by the Reichsbank at 4.2 billion marks, had to be maintained at all costs. I was not prepared to allow private speculation to drive it up again. It was, in fact, held.

The third of the decisive measures adopted to put an end to inflation came into operation at the beginning of April, 1924. Big business interests had once again used the excessive credits they had asked for and obtained to start hoarding foreign exchange. In order to make them realize once and for all hat they must subordinate their operations to the monetary policy of the Reichsbank, I suddenly barred all further credit against bills. In normal times these bills were the usual means of obtaining credit from the Reichsbank. It was unprecedented that the Reichsbank should refuse to discount good commercial bills. When its credit was called on to an excessive degree, that is to say, when too many bills were presented, the Reichsbank would merely raise the discount rate, and continue to raise it, until the deduction was more than the bill holders cared to pay and they preferred to do without the credit. However, in times of currency depreciation such as we had just experienced, this discount screw necessarily failed to operate effectively. It did not matter in the least whether the presenter of a bill had to pay 10 or 15 per cent discount when within a few weeks, or even within a few days, money itself would depreciate by 50 per cent and even more. This was the reason why I did not have recourse to the usual method of raising the discount rate, but adopted instead the harsh but only really effective means of blocking all credit. The measure was immediately successful. To the extent that business interests needed money they had to surrender their hoarded sums of foreign exchange to the Reichsbank, and within the space of two months equilibrium had been restored so successfully that throughout my whole subsequent period of office the mark remained stable. . . .

All in all, this struggle with the speculators over the rate of exchange lasted eight months. It was waged with vigour and determination, and private interests were ruthlessly ignored in the interests of the community as a whole. My victory did not make me popular . . . Even the experts did not always grasp my methods, which contradicted every classical theory, and the great mass of the people naturally failed to understand the significance of what was taking place. . . It was in this period that the press first dubbed me a 'Financial Wizard', because in money matters in particular the simple and the natural is the most difficult to grasp. 

( Abrechung mit Hitler, Hjalmar Schacht
Rowohltverlag, Hamburg 1948. )
Translated by Edward Fitzgerald
London : Weidenfel & Nicolson, 1949, pages 8 - 15.)